L

orsqu’un mouvement terroriste formule des revendications après avoir frappé, les suivre n’est pas toujours la meilleure attitude ; les ignorer est souvent la plus mauvaise. C’est pourtant une tentation, par désir bien compréhensible d’atténuer la douleur ou le deuil, par volonté d’éluder un sujet litigieux ou par esprit de contradiction (tant cette façon de formuler des revendications est inacceptable).

Du dimanche 11 mars au jeudi 22 mars, en pleine période électorale, douze jours de violence ont sidéré la France et brutalement remis les enjeux sécuritaires nationaux au centre du débat politique - au détriment de tous les autres. De façon ostensiblement sordide, un jeune homme français d’origine algérienne, Mohammed Merah, nouveau Khaled Kelkal qu’une beauté angélique destinait à jouir de la vie, semble avoir tué à Toulouse et Montauban trois soldats français d’origine maghrébine, grièvement blessé un soldat français d’origine antillaise puis tué un homme et trois enfants de confession juive. [1] Il aurait entendu le faire puis mourir en guerrier de l’islam, s’offrant aux tirs de la police. Incarnant une idée selon laquelle il existerait des «civilisations» inférieures ou supérieures à d’autres, ces meurtres ont déclenché une vague salutaire de manifestations contre le racisme et l’antisémitisme, qui eût pu être aussi vive en d’autres circonstances (à l’occasion par exemple de certaines déclarations susceptibles d’alimenter une telle idée et d’inciter des esprits faibles ou déstructurés au passage à l’acte). [2]

 

L’instant était au deuil et à l’émoi, au rejet légitime de la violence physique, à la réaction viscérale : ces manifestations ne furent pas l’occasion d’évoquer les revendications attribuées à Merah, qui n’étaient pas essentiellement d’ordre racial ou religieux (à la différence par exemple de celles formulées par son homologue d’extrême droite Anders Behring Breivik, autre jeune homme d’une angélique beauté, mais d’un type plus nordique, après qu’il ait, le 22 juin 2011, pris la vie de 77 «multiculturalistes» en Norvège). [3] Il est possible et souhaitable de proposer maintenant, ayant présentes à l’esprit la mémoire des victimes et la douleur de leurs proches, une réaction plus analytique, avec pour visée la compréhension puis la prévention. N’ambitionnant pas d’atteindre l’exhaustivité [3A], évoquons le contexte de ces meurtres, puisque contexte il y a, sans qu’il soit question de les justifier ou de les approuver puisque meurtres il y a.

 

 

En tuant des personnes juives,

Merah visait l’État d’Israël

 

Les motivations supposément avancées par Merah, au terme d’une dérive assassine ostensiblement marquée par la déraison, sont anticoloniales avant d’être raciales ou religieuses. Elles comportent une dimension antijuive évidente mais s’il a tué des personnes de confession juive, ce n’est pas uniquement au motif avancé qu’elles appartenaient à cette confession, mais au contraire au motif avancé qu’appartenant à cette confession, elles se voyaient imputer une présomption irréfragable de solidarité avec la politique de l’État d’Israël à l’égard des PalestinienNEs (plus particulièrement, selon les propos qui lui sont prêtés, à l’égard des enfants palestinienNEs). [4]

 

Cette présomption est en elle-même raciste car elle suppose qu’une population entière soit solidaire, en chacun de ses membres, des actes commis par certains de ses membres ou par ses représentantEs réelLEs voire supposéEs. Cela constitue un amalgame même s’il est loisible d’observer qu’en la circonstance, l’État d’Israël lui-même affirme volontiers représenter le peuple juif, lisant de manière élargie la résolution 181 de l’assemblée générale des Nations unies qui autorisa, le 29 novembre 1947, le partage de la Palestine entre un «État juif» et un «État arabe», alors en outre que le terme d’Israël désignait le peuple juif avant de désigner un État. [5] Au demeurant, tous les membres du peuple en question n’admettent pas d’être ainsi représentés : l’UJFP (Union juive française pour la paix), animée notamment par Mireille Fanon-Mendès France, est l’une des rares voix à évoquer le contexte géopolitique de l’affaire Merah. Elle ne délivre guère le message habituellement attendu d’une organisation juive, lorsqu’elle écrit par exemple, dimanche 25 mars : «Notre colère est grande à l’encontre des [...] représentants autoproclamés des juifs français qui se taisent à chaque tuerie d’enfants palestiniens perpétrée par l’armée “la plus démocratique du monde” [supposément : l’armée israélienne, «Tsahal»], qui se taisent quand ici même [en France], des groupes entiers d’hommes, de femmes et leurs enfants sont stigmatisés, arrêtés, enfermés, expulsés. Qui se taisent enfin devant les discours racistes et xénophobes des plus hauts représentants de l’État. Eux qui se disent “les gardiens de la mémoire”, la manipule[nt] pour soutenir une politique criminelle.» [5C]

 

L’amalgame : c’est cela, le racisme (un peu comme si l’on disait que le peuple rrom est un peuple délinquant au motif qu’il advient que des personnes rroms soient délinquantes). [6] Il conduit aux punitions collectives à l’encontre de populations civiles, notamment au terrorisme, malgré ce principe essentiel de justice selon lequel on est condamné à raison de ce que l’on a fait. Qu’avaient pu faire Gabriel Sandler, Arieh Sandler et Myriam Monsonego, âgéEs respectivement de quatre, cinq et sept ans, pour que Merah les assassine avec, aurait-il dit, un «plaisir infini» ? Rien, évidemment. [7]

 

 

 

S’il a rivalisé en sadisme et, probablement, en niveau de pathologie mentale avec le nazi moyen, Merah s’en est différencié en n’ayant pas comme fin en soi de tuer des personnes juives (à la différence du nazi moyen qui considérait le peuple juif et aussi bien la judéité comme un mal et un danger en soi). Si Merah a tué des personnes juives, c’est pour faire pression sur l’État d’Israël dans le cadre de la guerre coloniale qui l’oppose au peuple palestinien : il semble bien qu’à aucun moment il n’ait, au cours de ses entretiens avec la presse ou avec les fonctionnaires de police ayant pour mission de négocier avec lui sa reddition [4], avancé d’argument uniquement lié à la condition juive de ses victimes (certains terroristes de confession musulmane évoquent une supposée «fourberie juive» et invoquent certains passages antijuifs du Coran au détriment d’autres passages philojuifs : Merah, non). [8]

 

 

 

SOS Racisme appelait cependant à manifester, dimanche 25 mars, en faveur d’une «république unie contre le racisme, l’antisémitisme et le terrorisme [...] islamiste». [9] Objet louable, qui témoigne d’un choix parmi les thématiques en présence. Dans quelle mesure l’islam, qui n’a pas - à la différence de la chrétienté - exterminé les personnes de confession juive par millions mais les a au contraire protégées, à qui notamment l’Europe doit sa modernité (pas de mathématiques ou de pensée grecque parvenue jusqu’à nous sans l’œuvre de sauvegarde, d’enrichissement et de transmission accomplie par cette vaste civilisation entre la chute de Rome et la «Renaissance»), peut-il être impliqué dans le délire assassin et pervers d’un jeune homme déstructuré, isolé, venu sur le tard et de façon parcellaire à la foi musulmane ? Lequel jeune homme ne semble pas, de surcroît, avoir intrinsèquement justifié ces actes par sa foi mais au contraire par deux arguments que l’on peut qualifier de séculiers : la guerre menée par la France en Afghanistan, les morts d’enfants palestinienNEs sous le régime d’apartheid infligé par l’État d’Israël au peuple palestinien. Ces arguments ne justifient aucun meurtre mais cela n’interdit pas d’examiner leur pertinence intrinsèque. Si la présence de l’armée française en Afghanistan s’appuie sur une résolution des Nations unies et un vote au Parlement [10] - quoique cette résolution commence à se faire ancienne (2001), quoique cette présence soit d’une «efficacité» discutable -, celle de l’armée puis de colonies israéliennes en Cisjordanie et à Gaza est condamnée par plusieurs résolutions des Nations unies, soutenues par la France, depuis bientôt cinquante ans. [5B]

 

 

L’enjeu palestinien dans la Guerre du pétrole

 

Qui plus est, le régime d’apartheid et de colonisation mis en place par l’État d’Israël dans les Territoires occupés provoque effectivement la mort d’enfants palestinienNEs, bien au-delà du cas emblématique de Mohammed Al-Durah, 12 ans, abattu le 30 septembre 2000. Au moins huit encore en 2010, plus de 300 encore entre décembre 2008 et janvier 2009 lors de l’opération «Plomb durci» - par balle ou par missile, par manque d’eau potable ou manque de soins, par les délais exorbitants imposés aux ambulances comme aux autres véhicules aux points de passage qui mènent aux hôpitaux... sans compter les cas de torture d’enfants ou d’adolescentEs par l’armée israélienne (également présentée comme «la plus morale du monde»). [11] Hormis un cadre géographique qui renvoie à leurs textes fondamentaux, cette situation n’a que peu à voir avec l’islam ou quelque autre religion que ce soit, pour au moins trois raisons :

 

1°) Ce n’est pas le judaïsme qui permet aujourd’hui le maintien d’un État d’Israël (lequel compte six millions d’habitantEs de confession juive alors que ses voisins les plus immédiats, avec lesquels il a tous été en guerre, comptent 118 millions d’habitantEs), mais le besoin vital du capitalisme étatsunien de disposer, face à Staline hier et face à la Chine aujourd’hui, face à l’Europe aussi, face à ces masses arabo-musulmanes, d’une base militaire permanente au milieu des champs pétrolifères les plus importants du globe (le judaïsme n’a nul besoin de l’existence d’un État d’Israël et tire au contraire sa vigueur morale de son attachement au Livre et son attachement au Livre de son exil ; quant à la Shoah et aux aspirations sionistes qui lui étaient préalables et qu’elle a ravivées, leur nature n’est pas essentiellement religieuse mais raciale ou nationaliste : c’est par opportunité qu’elles ont été présentées en 1947 comme motivations de la création d’un État d’Israël, c’est par opportunisme qu’elles le sont encore aujourd’hui) ;

 

2°) Ce n’est pas l’islam qui légitime la résistance palestinienne à la politique de colonisation et d’apartheid conduite par l’État d’Israël en Cisjordanie et dans la bande de Gaza mais le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes ;

 

3°) Ce n’est pas un intégrisme juif qui fonde la politique précitée mais la nécessité de maintenir la plaie palestinienne à vif afin d’éviter l’émergence dissonante d’une démocratie palestinienne au milieu des dictatures arabo-musulmanes, installées partout autour (à l’exception relative de la Turquie qui n’a pas de pétrole et se trouve ancienne puissance coloniale du monde arabe), dans l’objectif de garantir aux États-Unis d’Amérique le maintien des flux pétroliers et des rétrocommissions associées (en considérant qu’un État palestinien, imbriqué dans l’État d’Israël comme les Territoires occupés le sont, ne pourrait qu’être démocratique : la démocratie, même partielle comme l’est celle d’Israël, est contagieuse et les populations palestiniennes ont constamment sous les yeux, à quelques centaines de mètres, la presse pluraliste israélienne ou les débats parlementaires israéliens).

 

 

 

Ainsi, l’État d’Israël occupe illégalement, par la violence, avec son armée, avec des dizaines de colonies civiles protégées par des milliers de soldats, des lieux qui ne lui appartiennent pas et se trouvent déjà habités. L’État d’Israël détourne l’eau et les terres agricoles des habitantEs légitimes de ces lieux. L’État d’Israël entrave leur liberté de circulation en leur imposant des points de passage militarisés, dont les conditions de franchissement sont aléatoires, éprouvantes et humiliantes. La nature du régime mis en place par l’État d’Israël dans les Territoires occupés n’est pas religieuse : elle est politique, militaire voire militariste, spoliatrice - en un mot, coloniale. Elle compromet la «solution à deux États» qui paraît - aujourd’hui encore mais pour combien de temps ? - la plus souhaitable pour construire une paix à long terme [5B]. Elle alimente un ressentiment légitime et des névroses inévitables parmi les populations arabo-musulmanes au niveau international. Elle cristallise parfois une violence qui, pour être inacceptable, n’échappe pas entièrement à l’entendement. L’UJFP écrit encore : «La politique criminelle pratiquée par Israël à l’encontre du peuple palestinien tout entier, au mépris du droit international, met en danger la paix et la cohésion de toutes les sociétés, de la nôtre en particulier.» [5C]

 

Non pas que le fanatisme de certains zélotes de confession juive, plus nombreux et nocifs que Mohammed Merah (citons les noms de Baruch Goldstein, médecin qui interprétait curieusement le serment d’Hippocrate puisqu’il exécuta vingt-neuf musulmans au tombeau des Patriarches à Hébron le 25 février 1994, ou de Yigal Amir, qui exécuta Yitzhak Rabin le 4 novembre 1995 après des semaines d’une propagande haineuse alimentée par le parti Likoud aujourd’hui au pouvoir en Israël), ne soit à l’œuvre dans ce régime et non pas que des meurtres n’aient été commis au nom de la religion musulmane en réaction à ce régime. En revanche, ces actes terroristes - qu’il ne s’agit nullement d’approuver, quoique la tombe de Baruch Goldstein porte la mention édifiante «Au saint Baruch Goldstein, qui donna sa vie pour le peuple juif, la Torah et la nation d’Israël» - ont une influence marginale sur les tendances longues de l’histoire contemporaine, bien plus influencée par les enjeux énergétiques, militaires et financiers liés au composant de base de l’économie capitaliste et de la civilisation occidentale depuis la Première Guerre mondiale : le pétrole.

 

Marginale mais non nulle : il est nécessaire de disposer d’un fard idéologique, fût-il religieux, pour dissimuler le plus grand pillage doublé du plus grand gaspillage de l’histoire humaine, laquelle voit les pays occidentaux étouffer de la pollution liée aux dérivés d’un pétrole mal utilisé pendant que leurs élites s’enrichissent de son commerce à ne savoir qu’en faire et que les masses arabes, légitimes détentrices, connaissent la faim et n’en voient les fruits que de loin, au hasard des magazines people qui leur révèlent les frasques de leurs dirigeantEs dans les boutiques de luxe parisiennes, au hasard aussi du découpage de frontières imposées par les puissances occidentales au terme des deux guerres mondiales officielles - ces dernières pouvant s’analyser comme simples batailles d’une guerre mondiale née au XXème siècle, qui ne serait pas encore finie mais serait également en jeu dans les événements du 11 septembre 2001 et dans les conflits irakien et afghan : la Guerre du pétrole, une guerre de cent ans.

 

 

Merahwashing

 

SOS Racisme motivait encore comme suit son appel à rassemblement : «Ces actes de barbarie, qui visent à insuffler la peur et le chaos, tentent de mettre à mal le vivre ensemble dans notre société et d’éprouver notre attachement aux valeurs républicaines.» [9] Cependant, le but de Merah n’était pas tant d’insuffler «peur et chaos» (lecture qui ressort de l’argument d’autorité selon lequel rien ne serait à comprendre de son acte, ce qui, paradoxalement, viendrait effectivement nous plonger dans la peur et le chaos) que de voir la France quitter l’Afghanistan et Israël les Territoires occupés (lecture qui ressort des propos attribués à Merah). La question soulevée au premier chef par cette dérive meurtrière n’est pas celle du racisme ou de «l’antisémitisme» (terme mal taillé puisque les descendantEs de Sem, fils de Noé, ancêtre d’Abraham, sont aussi bien selon la tradition les personnes juives et arabes) ; c’est une question coloniale.

 

En quoi concerne-t-elle un militant homosexuel ? Tout d’abord, en ceci que ce militant n’est pas qu’homosexuel mais aussi noir, juif, plus largement humain et «rien de ce qui est humain ne m’est étranger» («humani nihil a me alienum», Térence, auteur berbère, 163 avant l’ère chrétienne). Ensuite, en ceci qu’un militantisme accompli contre les homophobies doit mener à prendre conscience de leur commune racine avec l’ensemble des mécanismes de domination et notamment de celle exercée à l’encontre du peuple palestinien. Enfin, ce militant assistait mardi 20 mars à une conférence donnée à Paris par Haneen Maikey et Ramzy Kumsieh, deux militantEs palestinienNEs de l’association «Al-Qaws for Sexual & Gender Diversity in Palestinian Society» (Al-Qaws pour la diversité sexuelle & de genre dans la société palestinienne) [12] et de la campagne «Palestinian Queers for Boycott, Divestment & Sanctions» (Queers palestinienNEs pour le boycott, le désinvestissement & les sanctions) [13], qui lui ont ouvert les yeux sur la volonté de l’État d’Israël d’éviter tout débat public relatif à sa politique palestinienne, notamment en pratiquant le «pinkwashing» - c’est-à-dire l’instrumentalisation d’un discours favorable aux personnes LGBTX (lesbiennes, gaies, bi, trans, intersexes, indéterminées et queer) à des fins qui lui sont étrangères. [14] L’inconvénient d’une telle volonté n’est-il pas de laisser le champ libre à certains passages à l’acte ? Quand on étouffe une parole, ne ressurgit-elle pas ailleurs et sous une autre forme, d’abord au travers des esprits les plus faibles et les plus déstructurés ?

 

Français, Mohammed Merah était d’origine algérienne, mais l’on ferait trop d’honneur aux actes qui lui sont prêtés en accordant une importance particulière à la date choisie pour les plus lâches de ces meurtres, le 19 mars, qui marquait le cinquantenaire du cessez-le-feu consécutif aux accords d’Évian (documents souvent cités et moins souvent lus, on a bien tort, qui substituèrent - un instant - le droit aux échanges armés et mirent - officiellement - un terme à la guerre d’Algérie). [15]

 

En revanche, on pourra accorder une telle importance à l’attitude de la France qui a refusé, sans motiver sa décision par l’épopée meurtrière de Merah, de commémorer ce cinquantenaire [16], lui préférant un silence d’État sur cette guerre et tout ce qui vient avec : la ghettoïsation d’État des populations maghrébines en France ; la torture d’État pendant huit ans de conflit avec l’aval des gouvernements successifs aussi bien de droite que de gauche, il est vrai dans un climat de coup d’État «permanent» [17] ; la trahison d’État des Harkis à qui la France avait ordonné d’être épouvantables et que De Gaulle laissa sans scrupule avec leurs familles, parce qu’ils n’étaient finalement que des MaghrébinEs, aux mains des MaghrébinEs qu’ils avaient massacréEs huit ans durant [18] ; le génocide d’État à l’époque de la conquête de l’Algérie au XIXème siècle et les autres génocides d’État, plus récents, plus occultés encore, à Madagascar ou au Cameroun, par l’armée française, dans les années plus proches alors de l’après-Seconde Guerre mondiale ; les crimes d’État commis par l’armée française en Algérie et ensuite en Amérique latine jusqu’aux années 1980 - qui chantera le soutien de la Vème République aux dictatures chilienne ou argentine auxquelles des militaires français, légalement missionnés à cette fin par l’État français, «patrie des droits humains», donnaient des cours de torture et d’assassinat sur la base du savoir-faire acquis dans la Casbah ? [19]

 

En pleine campagne électorale, ces sujets seront aussi tus que la violence de l’État israélien en Cisjordanie et à Gaza : on parlera - à satiété - d’un «monstre» dont l’acte sera présenté comme inacceptable, ce qu’il est, mais aussi comme «insensé» ou «inexplicable», ce qu’il n’est qu’en partie. L’humanité a pourtant inventé le débat pour cantonner la violence au domaine de la parole : empêcher le débat ici ou ailleurs, c’est accepter la résurgence de cette violence dans le domaine de la chair, ailleurs ou ici. Dire cela n’est pas le cautionner, c’est, le condamnant, vouloir le comprendre pour le mieux prévenir.

 

 

 

 

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